On 31st July 2009, a Tibetan blogger writing from Lhasa posted news of the arrest of Tibetan writer Tashi Rabten (bKra shis rab brtan) who writes under the pen name of Therang (the’u rang) which could mean demons or spirits.
High Peaks Pure Earth has translated the original post from Tibetan that was originally posted here: www.tibetabc.cn/u/cher/archives/2009/2009731165922.html (NB: www.tibetabc.cn is inaccessible at the time of writing)
Various Tibetan blogs have reported Therang's disappearance and express concern for him, one example is here: www.cmbod.cn/u/lzcljc/archives/2009/21503.html. The photos below are taken from the blogpost on www.cmbod.cn/u/ganglin/archives/2009/21496.html
More details about Therang and his writings can be found on the Tibetan language website Khabdha: www.khabdha.org/?p=3484
"Bad News"
Intelligent, wise and courageous brother from the land of snows named Tashi (bkra shes), also known as Therang (the’u rang), was secretly arrested by the enemy on July 26th. There are no traces of him left behind, just like a bird took off from a rock.
According to a few reliable friends, after the uprising in 2008, not only did the government interrogate him on many occasions, they also were closely monitoring his movements and making him report regularly on all his activities. At the end of 2008, thinking about the miserable fate of the Tibetan people, he wrote a book critical of the government titled "Written in Blood" (Khrag yig). By applying the meatphor of flesh and blood, the book revealed the oppression and crimes of the Communist government, therefore, he became a thorn in the eyes of the government. The brave and wise Therang is currently undergoing pain and suffering in a dark prison of the Communist government.
Isn’t it regretable for the Tibetan people to lose such a young brave person like him? If all the people with affection for our nationalities and the courageous youths are being disappeared like this, then what is the point of just shouting and raising our fists in the air? Are there able people amongst us Tibetans? Shouldn’t the Tibetan people be rising up when faced with such obstruction? How many people like Therang are there amongst us who are not afraid of talking about the plight of our people? How many people are there amongst us who are as intelligent and as brave as Therang? How many people are there among us who are so young and determined? Shouldn’t we be rising up behind this great thinker?
Written immediately after hearing the bad news from Lhasa on July 28th, 2009.
Monday, August 3, 2009
"Looking at Criminal Cases to Examine the Non-Special Policies Towards Ethnic Minorities" by Woeser
High Peaks Pure Earth has translated a blogpost by Woeser originally written for Radio Free Asia on July 14, 2009 and posted on her blog on July 24.
As Woeser mentions, this blogpost is a continuation of an earlier article that examined China's policies towards its ethnic minorities titled "Does This Kind of Special Policy Really Exist?" and also a response to various comments to that article, including a comment left here on High Peaks Pure Earth.
"Looking at Criminal Cases to Examine the Non-Special
Policies Towards Ethnic Minorities"
Policies Towards Ethnic Minorities"
By Woeser
Quite a few people commonly assume that ethnic minorities in China, such as Tibetans and Uighurs, enjoy the privileges of some type of special policy of “two restraints and one leniency” (fewer arrests, fewer death penalties and greater leniency). I recently wrote a brief article for Radio Free Asia’s (RFA) Tibetan programme, which was also translated into English and published on High Peaks Pure Earth. Somebody left a comment criticising that “these special policies are applied in criminal cases, not in political cases. As a Tibetan grown up in China, you should know the difference.”
I would like to thank the person who posted the comment for calling my attention to this, reminding me of the known criminal cases that happened on Tibetan grounds; why not conveniently look at some of these specific cases to examine the Party’s special policies towards “ethnic minorities”. To keep it brief, I am going to introduce two exemplary cases. One of them occurred in Lhasa two years ago. There is an establishment named “Boundless Recreational Centre” where people can indulge in sensual pleasures. Apart from owning several hundred prostitutes, they also possess numerous thugs coming from inland China and because they have high officials working in the background at management level, they intimidate others, dominate the market, and at every opportunity gather a mob to beat people up; they are the “mafia”. One day, these thugs smashed the bar of a Tibetan businessman; his friend, a Tibetan painter, was also beaten and injured. Subsequently, the two men and another friend, a Tibetan entrepreneur, decided to pay the centre a visit to demand an explanation and request the troublemakers to formally apologise; a few of their fellow townsmen, all of whom were from Chamdo, accompanied them. In order not to make the situation any worse, they called and informed the police before they set off. Following their arrival at the centre, because they found the doors shut and the staff gone, a few Tibetans broke some window panes; this held up traffic for one hour but did not cause a serious brawl. Soon after, those three Tibetans were arrested and sentenced to four years of harsh punishment by Chengguan District's Lhasa City People's Court. On the surface, this judgement was passed for the offence of stirring up trouble and disturbing public order. But in reality, it was because it alerted Zhang Qingli, the Autonomous Region’s party secretary, who labelled all these Tibetans as belonging to an entirely fabricated “Khampa Organisation”, groundlessly turning them into a politically tainted “criminal clique.” As a result, these people received unreasonably harsh punishment. Even if the defendants had made an appeal and demanded to commute the original sentence, it would still have been dismissed. Up to this date, the three Tibetans are still in prison serving their sentence.
The other criminal case happened four years ago in the countryside of Gomjo (Ch. Gongjue) County in Kham. In the name of carrying out official duties, the deputy chief of the county’s Public Security Bureau led three policemen to the countryside, but in reality they were taking out their guns and hunting. They shot animals belonging to first- and second-grade nationally protected species. Moreover, they asked the villagers to provide horses to give them a lift... Because it was not his turn to provide a horse, one villager expressed the wish to refuse, so the deputy chief and the three policemen brutally beat him up causing severe injuries and life-long disability. The villager’s family took this matter to court and the police side actually had to pay a small indemnity which the family did not accept. After three years of continuous appeals to the higher authorities, they finally won the lawsuit and received increased compensation, but they had also evoked the officials’ utmost hatred. They hence deliberately provoked them, invented a different criminal matter and then finally arrested the disabled villager’s family on suspicion of stirring up trouble and disturbing public order. They were sentenced to three years.
In Tibet, these kinds of unjustly administered criminal cases are ubiquitous because officials’ own interests are high above the law. Consequently, criminal cases are created, politicised, and furtively used by public organs who often abuse public power to retaliate against a personal enemy. There are too many cases to be counted that they have been determined to be “political cases” and received harsh punishments. An acquaintance of mine, a white-collar Tibetan worker who used to work for some bank in Lhasa, once shouted “Free Tibet!” when he was drunk and went to prison for a whole year. In all these cases, can we find any trace of the so-called “two restraints and one leniency” policy? Of course, when relatively minor crimes of thievery are actually reported to the authorities only very few fines are given. If they take people into custody, they would have to provide food and accommodation, it would be too much trouble, so they commonly just turn a blind eye and do not ask questions. Such practices are also rather common. But this has always given people the wrong impression that these thieves enjoy the privileges of the special policy of “two restraints and one leniency”.
In fact, a netizen with a very good sense of humour quite accurately summarises the CCP’s policy towards ethnic minorities like this: “there is suppression for main issues, and there is connivance for minor issues; firmly confine religion, and Mandarin Chinese precedes; the Han are in power, the Party is the heart; transmitting wealth from the West to the East, present small economic sops and baits; accelerate assimilation, and peace reigns under heaven.” Subsequently, I also very much agree with what one of my friends, who belongs to the Hui minority, once said: “with the aim not to give certain groups of the Han masses any reason to feel dissatisfaction and grievance towards ethnic minorities and with the aim to give those big Han fascists as little excuses as possible to assault ethnic minorities, I suggest to abolish those 'superficially clever', sympathetic policies towards ethnic minorities that in fact only exist in name, but are devoid of any substance...”.
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